Blood Promise Chapter Seven

It was like Christmas morning. I wasn't usually big on God or fate, but now I was seriously reconsidering. After I'd passed out, Sydney had apparently made some frantic calls, and someone she knew in Baia had driven to us-risking the darkness-to rescue us and take us back where I could be treated. That was no doubt why I'd had vague sensations of being in a car during my delirium; it hadn't all been part of the dream. And then, somehow, out of all the dhampirs in Baia, I had been taken to Dimitri's mother. That was enough to make me seriously consider that there might truly be forces greater than me at work in the universe. No one told me exactly how it happened, but I soon learned Olena Belikova had a reputation among her peers for healing-and not even any sort of magical healing. She'd had medical training and was the person other dhampirs-and even some Moroi-went to in this region when they wanted to avoid human attention. Still. The coincidence was eerie, and I couldn't help but think there was something going on that I didn't understand. For now, I didn't worry too much about the hows and whys of my current situation. I was too busy staring wide-eyed at my surroundings and its inhabitants. Olena didn't live alone. All of Dimitri's sisters-three of them-lived in the house too, along with their kids. The family resemblance was startling. None of them looked exactly like Dimitri, but in every face, I could see him. The eyes. The smile. Even the sense of humor. Seeing them fed the Dimitri withdrawal I'd had since he'd disappeared-and made it worse at the same time. Whenever I looked at any of them out of my peripheral vision, I'd think I was seeing Dimitri. It was like a house of mirrors, with distorted reflections of him everywhere. Even the house gave me a thrill. There were no obvious signs that Dimitri had ever lived there, but I kept thinking, this is where he grew up. He walked these floors, touched these walls†¦ As I walked from room to room, I'd touch the walls too, trying to draw his energy from them. I'd envision him lounging on the couch, home on break from school. I wondered if he'd slid down the banisters when he was little. The images were so real that I had to keep reminding myself that he hadn't been here in ages. â€Å"You've made an amazing recovery,† Olena noted the next morning after I'd been brought to her. She watched with approval as I inhaled a plate of blini. They were ultra-thin pancakes stacked and layered with butter and jam. My body always required a lot of food to keep its strength up, and I figured as long as I wasn't chewing with my mouth open or anything, I had no reason to feel bad about eating so much. â€Å"I thought you were dead when Abe and Sydney brought you in.† â€Å"Who?† I asked between bites of food. Sydney sat at the table with the rest of the family, hardly touching her food as usual. She seemed clearly uneasy at being in a dhampir household, but when I'd first come downstairs this morning, I'd definitely seen some relief in her eyes. â€Å"Abe Mazur,† said Sydney. Unless I was mistaken, some of the other people at the table exchanged knowing glances. â€Å"He's a Moroi. I†¦ I didn't know how badly you were injured last night, so I called him. He drove down with his guardians. He was the one who brought you here.† Guardians. Plural. â€Å"Is he royal?† Mazur wasn't a royal name, but that wasn't always a sure sign of someone's lineage. And while I was beginning to trust Sydney's social networking and connections to powerful people, I couldn't imagine why a royal would go out of his way for me. Maybe he owed the Alchemists a favor. â€Å"No,† she said bluntly. I frowned. A non-royal Moroi with more than one guardian? Very odd. It was clear she wasn't going to say anything else on the matter-at least not for now. I swallowed another mouthful of blini and turned my attention back to Olena. â€Å"Thanks for taking me in.† Dimitri's older sister, Karolina, sat at the table too, along with her baby girl and son Paul. Paul was about ten and seemed fascinated by me. Dimitri's teenage sister, Viktoria, was also there. She appeared to be a little younger than me. The third Belikov sister was named Sonya and had left for work before I woke up. I'd have to wait to meet her. â€Å"Did you really kill two Strigoi all by yourself?† Paul asked me. â€Å"Paul,† chastised Karolina. â€Å"That's not a nice question to ask.† â€Å"But it's an exciting one,† said Viktoria with a grin. Her brown hair was streaked with gold, but her dark eyes sparkled so much like Dimitri's when he was excited that it tugged at my heart. Again, I had that taunting sensation of Dimitri being here but not here. â€Å"She did,† said Sydney. â€Å"I saw the bodies. Like always.† She wore that comically tormented expression of hers, and I laughed. â€Å"At least I left them where you could find them this time.† My humor suddenly dimmed. â€Å"Did anyone†¦ any other humans notice or hear?† â€Å"I got rid of the bodies before anyone saw,† she said. â€Å"If people heard anything†¦ Well, backwoods places like that are always filled with superstitions and ghost stories. They don't have factual evidence of vampires, per se, but there's always sort of this belief that the supernatural and dangerous are out there. Little do they know.† She said â€Å"ghost stories† without any change of expression. I wondered if she'd seen any of the spirits last night but finally decided she probably hadn't. She'd come outside near the tail end of the fight, and if past evidence was any indication, nobody else could see the spirits I saw-except Strigoi, as it turned out. â€Å"You must have had some good training then,† said Karolina, shifting so the baby leaned against her shoulder. â€Å"You look like you should still be in school.† â€Å"Just got out,† I said, earning another scrutinizing look from Sydney. â€Å"You're American,† said Olena matter-of-factly. â€Å"What in the world could bring you out here?† â€Å"I†¦ I'm looking for someone,† I said after a few moments' hesitation. I was afraid they were going to press for details or that she too would have blood whore suspicions, but just then, the kitchen door opened and Dimitri's grandmother, Yeva, walked in. She had poked her head in earlier and scared the hell out of me. Dimitri had told me that she was a witch of sorts, and I could believe it. She looked like she was a gazillion years old and was so thin, it was a wonder the wind didn't blow her away. She barely stood five feet tall, and her hair covered her head in patchy gray wisps. But it was her eyes that truly frightened me. The rest of her might be frail, but those dark eyes were sharp and alert and seemed to bore into my soul. Even without Dimitri's explanation, I would have taken her for a witch. She was also the only one in the household who didn't speak English. She sat down at one of the empty chairs, and Olena hastily jumped up to get some more blini. Yeva muttered something in Russian that made the others look uncomfortable. Sydney's lips twitched into a small smile. Yeva's eyes were on me as she spoke, and I glanced around for translation. â€Å"What?† I asked. â€Å"Grandmother says you're not telling us the whole truth about why you're here. She says the longer you delay, the worse it will be,† Viktoria explained. She then gave Sydney an apologetic look. â€Å"And she wants to know when the Alchemist is leaving.† â€Å"As soon as possible,† said Sydney dryly. â€Å"Well, why I'm here†¦ it's kind of a long story.† Could I be any vaguer? Yeva said something else, and Olena retorted with what sounded like a chastisement. To me, she spoke gently: â€Å"Ignore her, Rose. She's in one of her moods. Why you're here is your own business-although I'm sure Abe would like to talk to you at some point.† She frowned slightly, and I was reminded of the earlier looks at the table. â€Å"You should make sure you thank him. He seemed very concerned about you.† â€Å"I'd kind of like to see him too,† I mumbled, still curious about this well-protected, non-royal Moroi who had given me a ride and seemed to make everyone uneasy. Eager to avoid more talk of why I was here, I hastily changed the subject. â€Å"I'd also love to look around Baia. I've never been in a place like this before-where so many dhampirs live, I mean.† Viktoria brightened. â€Å"I can definitely give you a tour-if you're sure you're feeling okay. Or if you don't have to leave right away.† She believed I was passing through, which was just as well. Honestly, I wasn't sure what I was doing anymore, now that it seemed likely Dimitri wasn't in the area. I glanced at Sydney questioningly. She shrugged. â€Å"Do whatever you want. I'm not going anywhere.† I found that a little disconcerting too. She'd brought me here as her superiors had told her to do-but now what? Well, that was a concern for later. As soon as I finished my food, Viktoria practically dragged me out the door, as if I was the most exciting thing that had happened around here in a while. Yeva hadn't taken her eyes off me for the rest of the meal, and even though she'd never said anything else, her suspicious look clearly told me she didn't believe a word I'd said. I invited Sydney along on the outing, but she declined, choosing instead to lock herself away in a bedroom to read about Greek temples or make world-controlling phone calls or do whatever it was she did. Viktoria said downtown wasn't far from where they lived and was easy to walk to. The day was clear and cool, with enough sun to make being outside pretty pleasant. â€Å"We don't get a lot of visitors,† she explained. â€Å"Except for Moroi men, but most don't stay long.† She added no more, but I wondered about her implications. Were these Moroi men off to find some action with dhampir women? I'd grown up thinking of these women, dhampirs who chose not to become guardians, as disgraceful and dirty. The ones in the Nightingale had certainly met the blood whore stereotype, but Dimitri had assured me that not all dhampir women were like that. After meeting the Belikovs, I believed him. As we approached the center of town, I soon discovered another myth shattered. People always talked about blood whores living in camps or communes, but that wasn't the case here. Baia wasn't huge, not like Saint Petersburg or even Omsk, but it was a real town with a large human population. Hardly a rural camp or farm settlement. The whole setting was astonishingly normal, and when we reached downtown, lined with small shops and restaurants, it too seemed like any other place in the world people might live. Modern and ordinary, just with a slight village feel. â€Å"Where are all the dhampirs?† I wondered aloud. Sydney had said there was a secret dhampir subculture, but I saw no signs of it. Viktoria smiled. â€Å"Oh, they're here. We have a lot of businesses and other places that humans don't know about.† While I could understand dhampirs going unnoticed in big cities, it seemed remarkable to pull that off here. â€Å"And lots of us just live and work with humans.† She nodded over toward what looked like a drugstore. â€Å"That's where Sonya works now.† â€Å"Now?† â€Å"Now that she's pregnant.† Viktoria rolled her eyes. â€Å"I'd take you to meet her, but she's grumpy all the time lately. I hope the baby's early.† She left it at that, and I again wondered about the dynamics of dhampirs and Moroi here. We didn't mention it again, and our conversation stayed light and even teasing. Viktoria was easy to like, and in only an hour, we'd clicked as though we'd known each other forever. Maybe my connection to Dimitri bound me to his family, too. My thoughts were cut off when someone called Viktoria's name. We turned to see a very cute dhampir guy crossing the street. He had bronze hair and dark eyes, his age falling somewhere between mine and Viktoria's. He said something chatty and conversational to her. She grinned at him and then gestured to me, giving my introduction in Russian. â€Å"This is Nikolai,† she told me in English. â€Å"Nice to meet you,† he said, also switching languages. He gave me a quick assessment in the way guys often do, but when he turned back to Viktoria, it was clear who the object of his affections was. â€Å"You should bring Rose to Marina's party. It's Sunday night.† He hesitated, turning a bit shy. â€Å"You're going, aren't you?† Viktoria turned thoughtful, and I realized she was completely oblivious to his crush. â€Å"I'll be there, but†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She turned to me. â€Å"Will you still be around?† â€Å"I don't know,† I said honestly. â€Å"But I'll go if I'm still here. What kind of party is it?† â€Å"Marina's a friend from school,† explained Viktoria. â€Å"We're just going to get together and celebrate before we go back.† â€Å"To school?† I asked stupidly. Somehow, it had never occurred to me that the dhampirs out here would be in school. â€Å"We're on break right now,† said Nikolai. â€Å"For Easter.† â€Å"Oh.† It was late April, but I had no clue what day Easter fell on this year. I'd lost track of the days. It hadn't happened yet, so their school must have their break the week before Easter. St. Vladimir's took its vacation afterward. â€Å"Where is your school?† â€Å"It's about three hours away. Even more remote than here.† Viktoria made a face. â€Å"Baia's not so bad,† teased Nikolai. â€Å"Easy for you to say. You'll eventually leave and go see new and exciting places.† â€Å"Can't you?† I asked her. She frowned, suddenly uncomfortable. â€Å"Well, I could†¦ but that's not how we do it here-at least not in my family. Grandmother has some†¦ strong opinions about men and women. Nikolai will be a guardian, but I'll stay here with my family.† Nikolai suddenly gave me a new appraisal. â€Å"Are you a guardian?† â€Å"Ah, well.† Now I was the uncomfortable one. Viktoria spoke before I could come up with anything to say. â€Å"She killed two Strigoi outside of town. By herself.† He looked impressed. â€Å"You are a guardian.† â€Å"Well, no†¦ I've killed before, but I'm not actually sworn.† Turning around, I lifted up my hair to show them my neck. In addition to all my regular molnija marks, I also had the little star-shaped tattoo that meant I'd been in a battle. They both gasped, and Nikolai said something in Russian. I let my hair drop and looked back. â€Å"What?† â€Å"You're†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Viktoria bit her lip, eyes contemplative as she groped for what she wanted to say. â€Å"Unpromised? I don't know the English word.† â€Å"Unpromised?† I said. â€Å"I guess†¦ but technically, aren't all the women here?† â€Å"Even if we aren't guardians, we still get marks showing we completed our training. No promise mark, though. For you to have killed so many Strigoi and have no loyalties to a school or the guardians†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Viktoria shrugged. â€Å"We call it being unpromised-it's a strange thing.† â€Å"It's strange where I come from too,† I admitted. Unheard of, really. So much so, that we didn't have a term for it. It just wasn't done. â€Å"I should let you two go,† said Nikolai, his lovesick eyes back on Viktoria. â€Å"But I'll see you at Marina's for sure? Maybe sooner?† â€Å"Yes,† she agreed. They said their farewells in Russian, and then he loped off across the street with the kind of easy, athletic grace guardians often acquired with training. It reminded me a bit of Dimitri's. â€Å"I must have scared him off,† I said. â€Å"No, he thinks you're exciting.† â€Å"Not as exciting as he thinks you are.† Her eyebrows rose. â€Å"What?† â€Å"He likes you†¦ I mean, really likes. Can't you tell?† â€Å"Oh. We're just friends.† I could tell from her attitude that she meant it. She was completely indifferent to him, which was too bad. He was cute and nice. Letting poor Nikolai go, I brought up the guardians again. I was intrigued by the different attitudes around here. â€Å"You said you can't†¦ but do you want to be a guardian?† She hesitated. â€Å"I've never really considered it. I get all the same training at school, and I like being able to defend myself. But I'd rather use it in defense of my family than Moroi. I guess it sounds†¦Ã¢â‚¬  She paused again to think of the right word. â€Å"†¦ Sexist? But, the men become guardians, and women stay at home. Only my brother left.† I nearly tripped. â€Å"Your brother?† I asked, keeping my voice as steady as possible. â€Å"Dimitri,† she said. â€Å"He's older than me and has been a guardian for a while. He's over in the United States, actually. We haven't seen him in a long time.† â€Å"Huh.† I felt horrible and guilty. Guilty because I was keeping the truth from Viktoria and the others. Horrible because apparently no one from back home had bothered to pass the news on to his family yet. Smiling at her own memories, she didn't notice my change in mood. â€Å"Paul actually looks exactly like he did at that age. I should show you pictures of him-and some recent ones, too. Dimitri's pretty cute. For my brother, I mean.† I was sure seeing pictures of Dimitri as a little boy would rip my heart out. As it was, the more Viktoria began to talk about him, the sicker I felt. She had no clue about what had happened, and even though it had been a couple of years since she'd seen him, it was clear she and the rest of the family loved him like crazy. Not that that should be a surprise. (And really, who couldn't love Dimitri?) Being around them just one morning had shown me how close they all were. I knew from Dimitri's stories that he was crazy about all of them, too. â€Å"Rose? Are you okay?† Viktoria was peering at me with concern, probably because I hadn't said anything in the last ten minutes. We had circled around and were almost back at her house. Looking at her, at her open, friendly face and eyes that were so much like Dimitri's, I realized I had another task ahead of me before I could go after Dimitri, wherever he was. I swallowed. â€Å"I†¦ yeah. I think†¦ I think I need to sit down with you and the rest of your family.† â€Å"Okay,† she said, the worry still in her voice. Inside the house, Olena was bustling around the kitchen with Karolina. I thought they were making plans for tonight's dinner, which was startling considering we'd just finished a huge breakfast. I could definitely get used to the way they ate around here. In the living room, Paul was building an elaborate racetrack out of Legos. Yeva sat in a rocking chair and appeared to be the world's most stereotypical grandmother as she knit a pair of socks. Except most grandmothers didn't look like they could incinerate you with a single glance. Olena was talking to Karolina in Russian but switched to English when she saw me. â€Å"You two are back earlier than I expected.† â€Å"We saw the town,† said Viktoria. â€Å"And†¦ Rose wanted to talk to you. To all of us.† Olena gave me a look as puzzled and concerned as Viktoria's. â€Å"What's going on?† The weight of all those Belikov eyes on me made my heart start thumping in my chest. How was I going to do this? How could I explain something I hadn't spoken about in weeks? I couldn't stand to put them-or myself-through it. When Yeva scuttled in, it made things that much worse. Maybe she'd had some mystical sense that something big was about to go down. â€Å"We should sit,† I said. Paul stayed in the living room, for which I was grateful. I was pretty sure I couldn't handle saying what I had to with a little kid-one who looked like Dimitri, apparently-watching me. â€Å"Rose, what's wrong?† asked Olena. She looked so sweet and, well†¦ motherly, that I nearly cried. Whenever I'd been angry with my own mother for not being around or doing a good job, I'd always compared her to some idealized image of a mom-a mom who seemed a lot like Dimitri's, I realized. Dimitri's sisters looked equally worried, like I was someone they'd known forever. That acceptance and concern made my eyes burn even more, seeing as they'd just met me this morning. Yeva wore a very strange expression, however-almost like she'd been expecting something like this all along. â€Å"Well†¦ the thing is, the reason I came here, to Baia, was to find you guys.† That wasn't entirely true. I'd come to search for Dimitri. I'd never thought much about finding his family, but now, I realized that it was a good thing I had. â€Å"You see, Viktoria was talking about Dimitri earlier.† Olena's face brightened when I said her son's name. â€Å"And†¦ I knew-er, know him. He used to be a guardian at my school. My teacher, actually.† Karolina and Viktoria lit up as well. â€Å"How is he?† asked Karolina. â€Å"It's been ages since we've seen him. Do you know when he's going to visit?† I couldn't even think about answering her question, so I pushed forward with my story before I lost my courage in front of all those loving faces. As the words came out of my mouth, it was almost like someone else was saying them and I was simply watching from a distance. â€Å"A month ago†¦ our school was attacked by Strigoi. A really bad attack†¦ a huge group of Strigoi. We lost a lot of people-Moroi and dhampirs, both.† Olena exclaimed in Russia. Viktoria leaned toward me. â€Å"St. Vladimir's?† I halted in my story, surprised. â€Å"You've heard of it?† â€Å"Everyone's heard of it,† said Karolina. â€Å"We all know what happened. That was your school? You were there that night?† I nodded. â€Å"No wonder you have so many molnija marks,† breathed Viktoria in wonder. â€Å"And that's where Dimitri's at now?† asked Olena. â€Å"We lost track of his latest assignment.† â€Å"Um, yeah†¦Ã¢â‚¬  My tongue felt thick in my throat. I couldn't breathe. â€Å"I was at the school the night of the attack,† I reaffirmed. â€Å"And so was Dimitri. He was one of the leaders in the battle†¦ and the way he fought†¦ he was†¦ he was so brave†¦ and†¦Ã¢â‚¬  My words were breaking up, but by this point, the others were catching on. Olena gasped and again murmured in Russian. I picked out the word for â€Å"God.† Karolina sat frozen, but Viktoria leaned toward me. Those eyes that were so like her brother's stared at me intently, as intently as he would if pushing me to tell the truth, no matter how awful. â€Å"What happened?† she demanded. â€Å"What happened to Dimitri?† I looked away from their faces, my eyes drifting to the living room. On the far wall, I caught sight of a bookcase filled with old, leather-covered books. They had gold-embossed lettering on the spines. It was totally random, but I suddenly remembered Dimitri mentioning those. They were these old adventure novels my mother collected, he'd told me once. The covers were so beautiful, and I loved them. If I was careful, she'd let me read them sometimes. The thought of a young Dimitri sitting in front of that bookcase, carefully turning the pages-and oh, he would have been careful-almost made me lose it. Had that been where he'd developed his love of western novels? I was losing it. I was getting distracted. I wasn't going to be able to tell them the truth. My emotions were growing too powerful, my memories flooding me as I fought to think about something-anything-that didn't involve that horrible battle. Then I glanced at Yeva again, and something about her eerie, knowing expression inexplicably spurred me on. I had to do this. I turned back to the others. â€Å"He fought really bravely in the battle, and afterward, he helped lead a rescue mission to save some people that the Strigoi had captured. He was really amazing there, too, only†¦ he†¦Ã¢â‚¬  I stopped again and realized tears were running down my cheeks. In my mind, I was replaying that awful scene in the cave, with Dimitri so close to freedom and taken by a Strigoi at the last minute. Shaking that thought away, I took another deep breath. I had to finish this. I owed it to his family. There was no gentle way to say it. â€Å"One of the Strigoi there†¦ well, he overpowered Dimitri.† Karolina buried her face in her mother's shoulder, and Olena made no effort to hide her own tears. Viktoria wasn't crying, but her face had gone perfectly still. She was working hard to keep her emotions in check, just as Dimitri would have. She searched my face, needing to know for sure. â€Å"Dimitri is dead,† she said. It was a statement, not a question, but she was looking to me for confirmation. I wondered if I'd given away something, some hint that there was still more to the story. Or maybe she just needed the certainty of those words. And for a moment, I considered telling them that Dimitri was dead. It was what the Academy would tell them, what the guardians would tell them. It would be easier on them†¦ but somehow, I couldn't stand to lie to them-even if it was a comforting lie. Dimitri would have wanted the whole truth, and his family would too. â€Å"No,† I said, and for a heartbeat, hope sprang up in everyone's faces-at least until I spoke again. â€Å"Dimitri's a Strigoi.†

How One Ought To Behave When Wronged Essay

Man being good or evil by nature has long been subject to speculations. While some schools of thought advocate that man is good by nature, some argue that man is innately evil. Perception of what’s good and bad also differs among cultures — differing cultures have differing sets of morals and values. What may be frowned at in one region of the world could be tolerable in other parts. Labeling of a person’s actions and reactions is dependent on a belief system that has been practiced early on. This paper will focus on one of those early advocates of man being good by nature and how thatgoodness should reflect in his dealings with persons whom he believes have wronged him. This paper will discuss the â€Å"germs† advocated by Chinese philosopher Mengzi [c. 370-300 BCE] or Mencius, who was a disciple of the Confucian school of thought — that man is innately good. Mencius argues that man has an innate sense of morality, a born quality of doing what is good. His argument is summarized in this statement: Everyone has a heart that is sensitive to the sufferings of others. The great kings of the past had this sort of sensitive heart and thus adopted compassionate policies. Bringing order to the realm is as easy as moving an object in your palm when you have a sensitive heart and put into practice compassionate policies. Let he give an example of what I mean when I say everyone has a heart that is sensitive to the sufferings of others. Anyone today who suddenly saw a baby about to fall into a well would feel alarmed and concerned. It would not be because he wanted to improve his relations with the child’s parents, nor because he wanted a good reputation among his friends and neighbors, nor because he disliked hearing the child cry. From this it follows that anyone who lacks feelings of commiseration, shame, and courtesy or a sense of right and wrong is not a human being. From the feeling of commiseration benevolence grows; from the feeling of shame righteousness grows; from the feeling of courtesy ritual grows; from a sense of right and wrong wisdom grows. People have these four germs, just as they have four limbs. For someone with these four potentials to claim incompetence is to cripple himself; to say his ruler is incapable of them is to cripple his ruler. Those who know how to develop the four potentials within themselves will take off like a fire or burst forth like a spring. Those who can fully develop them can protect the entire land while those unable to develop them cannot even take care of their parents. 1 It is clear that Mencius meant man to cultivate four values in order to be humane. By having a compassionate heart; a heart of shame; a heart of courtesy and modesty; and a heart of right and wrong, can only a person reach his full potential in order to affect his family and society in positive and fruitful ways. In Mencius’ teaching of having a heart of compassion, he suggests that instead of entertaining negative thoughts against those whom man perceived to have wronged him, man should strive to understand the other party’s possible suffering that lead him to digress from the path of goodness. Man should tap into his inner self and bring forth compassion to understand and help the bad person. As for the person’s becoming bad, Mencius argues that it is not the fault of his human nature, but of a void that is present in that person’s life â€Å"When we do not, by what we do, realize what we desire, we must turn inward, and examine ourselves in every point. When a man’s person is correct, the whole empire will turn to him with recognition and submission. â€Å"2 By being compassionate, the wronged person shows the offender his understanding of the other person’s pain, and his willingness to alleviate that suffering. If man is able to do this, society and humanity will flourish and further spread of evil will be prevented.

Tuskegee Syphilis Study

Clinton Kopas Susan Gabriel English 102 December 1, 2011 The Goal of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study Research studies are constantly being conducted in order to improve certain aspects of human life and knowledge. In many cases, these research studies involve human test subjects. One of the more famous studies involving human test subjects was the Tuskegee Syphilis Study that began in 1932. Most have heard of this study, few would ever claim that any good came of it.What had originally been a research study aimed at improving knowledge dealing with syphilis in the black male, turned into an extremely long and detrimental study that damaged hundreds of lives. Considering the damage that was done to the subjects and their families, it is easy to wonder if this study actually provided any real advances in medicine or medical knowledge. The origin of the study had good motives, being that it was to promote the health of blacks in the South. The U. S. Public Health Service collaborated with t he Julius Rosenwald Fund to conduct demonstration programs to control syphilis in southern counties.This failed due to funding issues, and the project had to be scrapped. However, the PHS was anxious â€Å"to salvage something of value from the project† (Thomas). So in 1932, a group of doctors recruited a total of 399 syphilis infected black men from Macon County, Alabama to participate in a study concerning the study of â€Å"bad blood†. The organizers took their initial idea and converted â€Å"the original treatment program into a nontherapeutic human experiment aimed at compiling data on the progression of the disease on untreated African-American males† (Herried; Fourtner; Fourtner).This study became formally known as the Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male (Herried; Fourtner; Fourtner; Thomas). The formal name that was applied to this study may imply the true motives of the researchers behind it. The study was not necessarily meant to fi nd major breakthroughs in medicine, but to simply study the effects of untreated syphilis. The researchers attempted to justify what they were doing by saying it was going to be for a greater good, and that these men got more treatment than they would have gotten otherwise.This may be true in a sense, but the men in the study were still intentionally withheld from treatment once penicillin was known to cure syphilis. By 1948, penicillin was known to be the most and best effective cure for syphilis. The study went on for 22 more years even though a cure had been found. There is no point in attempting to learn anything more about an infection when a cure has been found. The only treatment that the infected men received was treatment involving arsenicals and heavy metals.This type of treatment was not nearly as effective and researchers knew it would not cure the men entirely, just keep them from being infectious (Reverby). It might not be going too far to even say that the researchers were conducting this experiment on the basis of pure curiosity. After all, there could not be much advancement made just studying the effects of syphilis in blacks compared to whites. Much about syphilis had already been known prior to the beginning of the Tuskegee Study. German scientists had already discovered most of what there is to know about syphilis over 20 years before the Tuskegee experiments had begun. The cause of syphilis, the stages of the diseases development, and the complications . . . . were all known to medical science in the early 1900’s† (Herried; Fourtner; Fourtner). It has been stated by many journalists and even some that were involved in the experiment, that nothing was gained from this long and drawn out experiment. All signs begin to point that it truly was an experiment based solely on curiosity. The black men that participated in the study were poor sharecroppers that would do and believe anything that the doctor told them. Most of these men had never even seen a doctor before in their lives.These men were promised free medical care for their bad blood, and drawn in by signs that claimed â€Å"last chance for treatment†. The doctors and scientists conducting the research had church leaders and other respected members of the community help to enlist people to participate in the study. The researchers even enlisted the help of a black nurse and admired her ability to help them gain the trust of the participants. If the researchers needed to lie to a group of people in order to conduct their experiment, these men would have been some of these easiest to fool (Infoplease; Thomas).The researchers that were involved in the Tuskegee Study are said to have been fairly liberal for the time and open to the education of blacks. However it seems that there was some sort of racist mind set involved in this scheme. The researchers seem to have had no regard to other human life and treated the men like lab rats. The researcher s even made sure that their goal would not be interrupted by others. They went to great lengths to make sure all medical professionals in the area participated in the study and gave orders not to give treatment to the men.The black men were even excluded from the draft during WWII to keep their research from being interrupted (Herried; Fourtner; Fourtner; Thomas) As the years went by, the study did not become less organized and forgotten. There were meetings held and new people were added to the project. The experiment was constantly reviewed throughout the years as the focus changed. Ethical issues were not brought up until halfway through the 1960’s, over 30 years after the experiment had begun. During the 1950’s, the focus turned to the aging of syphilis and the negative impact it had on the body.It was quite clear that syphilis caused great damage over time and would shorten the life span of the host. Even at this point in the study, when so many men had passed awa y and others had gone unaccounted for, the study continued. The researchers believed that the study had gone on for so long that the men were untreatable anyways, even with use of penicillin (Herried; Fourtner; Fourtner). To continue a research study like this and deny men treatment just on the basis of curiosity seems too unethical to be true. But all signs point to this especially when considering another research study that took place during the same time period.From 1946 to 1948, the American government performed research in Guatemala that involved intentionally infecting Guatemalan subjects with syphilis. The idea was to test the effectiveness of penicillin on different stages of syphilis. A very interesting detail is that a man by the name of Dr. John C. Cutler was involved not only in the Guatemalan study, but the Tuskegee study as well. It is strange that although Dr. Cutler was involved in both experiments, he did not choose to test the effectiveness of penicillin on the me n who were already infected with syphilis in the Tuskegee Study.Instead, he and his colleagues chose to allow syphilis infected prostitutes to sleep with Guatemalan prisoners. This truly shows the ethical value that the researchers held and what their true motives were (Villaroasa). Dr. Cutler and the other men involved in the Tuskegee research had no interest in any kind of advancement with the prevention of syphilis. A kind of bureaucracy was formed that helped fuel this unethical study. Men who were involved in the Tuskegee study would be promoted to surgeon general of the U. S. Public Health Service. Dr.Cutler even obtained the position of assistant surgeon general in the PHS. Dr. Cutler defended the integrity of the study up until his death (Thomas; Villarosa) It is hard to imagine that an idea that began with such good intentions could have turned into the catastrophe that was the Tuskegee Syphilis Study. The men who conducted this study seemed to have been fueled by a strange curiosity that they masked with the idea of medical advancement. It is clear that the researchers did not view people with darker skin colors as equal, as they treated them like lab animals.It is evident and even admitted by some involved in the study that there were no advances in medicine because of the study. The Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male only came to a close because of a national press release in 1972. By this time, over 370 men that had been used for research were either dead or believed to be dead. If the researchers had any true notion to help them, that number would have been much smaller. Not only had this study affected the men directly involved in it; it affected the men’s wives and their children as well.There is no questioning the goal of the experiment being to see what would happen to someone if syphilis was left untreated. The doctors could have only continued this experiment based off of some strange curiosity. It is possible tha t some of them may have believed what they were doing was for the better, but that is hard to imagine. Nothing was gained from the experiments in the Tuskegee Study. The only possible advancement would be the understanding of ethics for future research. Works Cited Fourtner, A. W. , C. R. Fourtner, and C. F. Herreid. â€Å"†Bad Blood†: A Case Study of the Tuskegee Syphilis Project. Philosophy. tamucc. edu. Texas A&M University. Web. 15 Nov. 2011. Reverby, Susan M. â€Å"Listening to Narratives from the Tuskegee Syphilis Study. † Lancet 377. 977B (2011): 1646-647. TheLancet. com – Home Page. Web. 28 Nov. 2011. Thomas, Stephen B. â€Å"The Legacy of Tuskegee. † Thebody. com. HealthCentral Network, Jan. -Feb. 2000. Web. 15 Nov. 2011. â€Å"The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment. † Infoplease. com. Pearson Education, 2007. Web. 15 Nov. 2011. Villarosa, Linda. â€Å"The Guatemala Syphilis Experiment's Tuskegee Roots. † Theroot. com. The Slate Gro up, 02 Oct. 2010. Web. 28 Nov. 2011.

Psychopathy And Borderline Personality Disorder Essay

     INTRODUCTION Personality disorders constitute a major group in the classification of mental disorders. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, text revision (DSM-IV-TR),1 these conditions are defined by maladaptive personality characteristics beginning early in life that have consistent and serious effects on functioning. Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is frequently seen in clinical practice.2 Characterized by emotional turmoil and chronic suicidality (suicide ideation and attempts), this type of personality disorder presents some of the most difficult and troubling problems in all of psychiatry.   The majority of patients with BPD are seen in psychiatric clinics or in primary care. The keys to successful management include making an accurate diagnosis, maintaining a supportive relationship with the patient and establishing limited goals. Although BPD may persist for years, it does not last forever, and one can be reasonably optimistic that most patients will recover with time.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Psychotherapy can help speed up the recovery from BPD. The most effective forms of treatment have been developed by psychologists, and therefore when making a referral, physicians should consider a patient’s ability to pay for such therapy.   More research into the causes of BPD is needed, the results of which may help to develop evidence-based approaches to treatment that are practical and specifically designed for this challenging disorder.   THE EPIDEMIOLOGY OF BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER   Epidemiologic studies of personality disorders are at an early stage of development. Community surveys of adults have indicated that the prevalence of BPD is close to 1% (similar to that of schizophrenia).3,4 About 80% of patients receiving therapy for BPD are women,2 but sex differences are less striking in community samples.4 As is the case for personality disorders in general, BPD is associated with lower social class and lower levels of education.3,4   THE ETIOLOGY OF BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER We are only beginning to understand the causes of BPD. As with most mental disorders, no single factor explains its development, and multiple factors (biological, psychological and social) all play a role.   The biological factors in personality disorders consist of temperamental (inborn or heritable) characteristics that present in adulthood as stable personality traits: patterns of thought, affect and behaviour that characterize individuals and are stable over time.5 Heritable factors account for about half of the variability in virtually all traits that have been studied.6 Specifically, both affective instability6 and impulsivity7 have a heritable component of this magnitude, and studies involving twins have demonstrated that BPD itself shows a similar genetic influence.8 Also, family history studies have found that impulsive disorders such as antisocial personality and substance abuse are particularly common among firstdegree relatives of patients with BPD.9 Studies of central neurotransmitter activity have shown that impulsive traits, a major component of BPD, are associated with deficits in central serotonergic functioning.10,11 However, the biological correlates of affective instability are unknown, and no markers specific to the overall disorder have been identified.10 The psychological factors in BPD can be striking but are not consistent. BPD first presents clinically in adolescence, at a mean age of 18 years.12 Although many patients describe adversities such as family dysfunction as well as mood and impulsive symptoms that go back to childhood, longitudinal data are needed to determine the precise influence of early risk factors. 13 Reports of a high frequency of traumatic events during childhood in this population need to take into account community studies, which show extensive resilience following trauma, particularly for less severe adversities.13 The most careful studies have shown that a quarter of patients with BPD describe sexual abuse from a caretaker14 and that about a third report severe forms of abuse.15 However, although child abuse is clearly a risk factor, it is not specific to BPD.13 In general, adverse life events are not consistently pathogenic by themselves but, rather, produce sequelae in vulnerable populations.16 Social factors in BPD are suggested by indirect evidence.   Thus far, there have been no cross-cultural studies of BPD, although characteristic symptoms such as recurrent suicide attempts are less common in traditional societies, in which there is little change from one generation to the next, but are on the increase in modern societies and in societies undergoing rapid change.17   DIAGNOSIS AND SYMPTOMS OF BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER The term â€Å"borderline† is a misnomer, based on an old theory that this form of pathology lies on a border between psychosis and neurosis. Actually, BPD is a complex syndrome whose   central features are instability of mood, impulse control and interpersonal relationships.2 Box 1 presents the DSM-IV-TR1 criteria, reorganized in relation to these basic dimensions, as well as cognitive symptoms.   Since the DSM-IV-TR requires only 5 of 9 criteria to be present, making a diagnosis on this basis leads to heterogeneity; more precise research definitions have been developed that require high scores for all 3 dimensions.18 The affective symptoms in BPD involve rapid mood shifts, in which emotional states tend to last only a few hours.19 When affective instability is monitored with standardized instruments,20 emotions are found to be intense but reactive to external circumstances, with a strong tendency toward angry outbursts. Levels of affective instability are most predictive of suicide attempts.21 Impulsive symptoms include a wide range of behaviours and are central to diagnosis.22 The combination of affective instability with impulsivity in BPD23 helps account for a clinical presentation marked by chronic suicidality and by instability of interpersonal relationships.23 Finally, cognitive symptoms are also frequent. In one case series,24 about 40% of 50 patients with BPD had quasi-psychotic thoughts. In another series,25 27% of 92 patients experienced psychotic episodes.   In a third series,26 psychotic symptoms were found to predict self-harm in patients with personality disorders. BPD is common in practice. A recent study involving patients in an emergency department who had attempted suicide showed that 41% of those with a history of multiple suicide attempts met the criteria for BPD this disorder.27   However, many cases are also seen in primary care settings.   Data from a survey conducted in a US urban primary care practice indicated that BPD was present in 6.4% of a sample of 218 patients.28   Because of the wide range of symptoms seen in BPD that are also typical of other disorders (Table 1), such as mood and anxiety disorders, substance abuse and eating disorders,29 patients may be felt to have one of these conditions while their BPD goes undetected. The most common disorder associated with BPD is depression, but in BPD, symptoms are usually associated with mood instability rather than with the extended and continuous periods of lower mood seen in classic mood disorders.19 Also, because of characteristic mood swings, BPD is often mistaken for bipolar disorder.30 However, patients with BPD do not show continuously elevated mood but instead exhibit a pattern of rapid shifts in affect related to environmental events, with â€Å"high† periods that last for hours rather than for days or weeks.30 BPD may be mistaken for schizophrenia; however, instead of long-term psychotic symptoms, patients with BPD experience â€Å"micropsychotic† phenomena of short duration (lasting hours or at most a few days), auditory hallucinations without loss of insight (patients with schizophrenia do not recognize that a hallucination is imaginary, whereas patients with BPD do), paranoid trends and depersonalization states in which patients experience themselves or their environment as unreal.   24 Finally, patients with BPD are at increased risk of substance abuse, which forms part of the clinical picture of widespread impulsivity.2 To diagnose BPD in practice, clinicians must first establish whether a patient has the overall characteristics of a personality disorder described in the DSM-IV-TR;1 that is, long-term problems affecting cognition, mood, interpersonal functioning and impulse control that begin early in life and are associated with maladaptive personality traits, such as neuroticism (being easily prone to anxiety or depression, or both) or impulsivity. Personality disorders can often account better for the multiplicity and chronicity of symptoms than can alternative diagnoses such as mood or anxiety disorders. The next step is a personality assessment, which requires a good history. Although practitioners will be able to obtain needed information from most patients during a routine visit, they may also, with the patient’s consent, wish to speak to family members or friends.   The final step is to determine the category that best fits the clinical picture. To diagnose BPD, clinicians   need to establish that patterns of affective instability, impulsivity and unstable relationships have been consistent over time.   THE COURSE AND MANAGEMENT OF BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISODERs Managing patients with BPD can be burdensome for clinicians because they may have to deal with repeated suicide threats and attempts over years. Also, patients with BPD do not easily respect boundaries and may become overly attached to their therapists.31 When practitioners fail to diagnose BPD, they may be at risk of becoming overinvolved with patients who suffer greatly but can be personally appealing to the physicians. Fortunately, most patients with BPD improve with time.32–34 About 75% will regain close to normal functioning by the age of 35 to 40 years, and 90% will recover by the age of 50.32 Unfortunately, about 1 in 10 patients eventually succeeds in committing suicide.35 However, this outcome is difficult to predict, and 90% of patients improve despite having threatened to end their lives on multiple occasions. The mechanism of recovery in BPD is not fully understood, but impulsivity generally decreases with age, and patients learn over time how to avoid the situations that give them the most trouble (e.g., intense love affairs), finding stable niches that provide the structure they need.35 BPD is a therapeutic challenge. A series of randomized controlled trials of pharmacotherapy and psychotherapy36–47,50,52–54 have been published; however, the trials had a number of defects, most particularly small samples, attrition and durations that were too short (usually 8–12 weeks) for a chronic disorder that can last for years. Finally, outcomes in these studies were generally measured by self-report and did not indicate whether the clinical picture had actually shown full remission. The pharmacologic treatment of BPD remains limited in scope. By and large, the result can be described as a mild degree of symptom relief. A number of agents, including low-dose atypical neuroleptics,38 specific serotonin reuptake inhibitors39,41–43 and mood stabilizers,44,45 all alleviate impulsive symptoms. However, antidepressants are much less effective for mood symptoms in BPD patients than in patients without a personality disorder.48 Benzodiazepines are not very useful in BPD and carry some danger of abuse.49   Thus, although several drugs â€Å"take the edge off† symptoms, they do not produce remission of BPD. Failure to understand this point has led to polypharmacy regimens, on the assumption that multiple drugs are needed to target all aspects of the disorder. The result is that many patients receive 4–5 agents — with all their attendant side effects12 — in the absence of evidence from clinical trials supporting the efficacy of such combinations. Future research may lead to the development of agents more specific to the symptoms seen in BPD.   The mainstay of treatment for BPD is still psychotherapy. Dialectical behaviour therapy is a form of cognitive behavioural therapy that targets affective instability and impulsivity, using group and individual sessions to teach patients how to regulate their emotions. This form of behaviour therapy has been shown to be effective in bringing suicidal behaviours under control within a year.50–53 However, whether this method is effective in the long term is unknown. There is evidence from a randomized controlled trial supporting the use of a modified form of psychoanalytic therapy in a day-treatment setting that also makes us of cognitive techniques.54   Unfortunately, these forms of psychotherapy for BPD are expensive in terms of resources and are not generally available. In practice, therapy tends to be practical and supportive.   Practitioners who manage these cases can also use educational materials for patients and their families.31   BORDERLINE PERSONALITY DISORDER AND SUICIDE   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The main problem that practitioners face in managing cases of BPD is chronic suicidality. Physicians in primary care settings are prepared to care for many patients with psychotic disorders but are likely to ask psychiatrists to manage patients who make repeated suicide threats and attempts, or to suggest hospital admission. However, there has been little research on the   Efectiveness of hospitalization for the treatment of BPD and no evidence that it prevents completion of suicide.55 Suicidality in BPD peaks when patients are in their early 20s, but completed suicide is most common after 3035 and usually occurs in patients who fail to recover after many attempts at treatment. In contrast, suicidal actions such as impulsive overdoses, most often seen in younger patients, do not usually carry a high short-term risk and function to communicate distress.56 Self-mutilating behaviours such as chronic cutting, often referred to as â€Å"suicidal,† are problematic but are not associated with suicidal intent and instead serve to regulate dysphoric emotional states.56 Practitioners should move beyond their concerns about these patients and instead concentrate on managing symptoms and the life problems that exacerbate suicidal thoughts or behaviours.   THEORIES OF BEHAVIOR INTENT   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Explaining and predicting consumer behavior has been the focus of research for many years. Marketing research seeks to find the answers as to why people make specific choices and how can these be predicted.   Are there commonalities among purchasing groups that can be identified as predictors?   The literature available is rich, as researchers try to understand the drive forces and motivators of the consumer. Hovland and Rosenberg (1960) proposed that attitude, acting as an intervening or moderating variable, consists of three components: cognition (knowledge, ability), affect (beliefs, opinions) and conation (behavior or intent of behavior) (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Hansen, 1972).  Ã‚   In order for behavior intent to exist, the three components must be present (Fazio & Olsen, 2003). Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) proposed that attitude does not consist of three components, but is the moderating or intervening variable between cognition and the behavioral intent.   Attitude is derived from cognition, which in turn determines the intent to act or not (Ryan, 1982)   They proposed that researchers need to look at four categories: 1) knowledge, opinions and beliefs (cognition) about the object, 2) attitude (affect) towards the object, 3) behavior intent (conation) and 4) observed behavior to the object (Fishbein and   Ajzen, 1975). The specific action cannot be determined by the assessment of the knowledge of attitude toward an object but rather through the person’s intention to perform the act (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975).   Previous studies have shown that people may have a positive attitude toward an object; however, the intention of behavior will be negative.  Ã‚   This was found in studies concerning blood donation, condom use, and racial prejudice (Ajzen and Fishbein, 2005; Burnkrant and Page, 1982; Fazio and Olson, 2003; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). Although many previous surveys showed favorable attitudes toward blood donation, condom use, and other races, their intention to give blood, use condoms or socialize with racial groups was negative.   Therefore, the intent of behavior of an individual must be determined, as well as his beliefs and attitude.   An in-depth discussion of each component will be addressed at a later point of this chapter.   MOA THEORY   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Related to the behavioral intent theories is the motivation-opportunity-ability theory of processing information.   Although this theory is in response to communication outcomes, the components are relative to this study.   According to the MOA theory, a person must have motivation, opportunity, and ability to process information in order to develop an attitude towards a brand, which can be enhanced through advertising cues (MacInnes et al., 1991).   Motivation in ad processing refers to the consumers’ willingness to allocate processing resources; whereas, opportunity is the amount of attention that is allocated without disruption; and ability is the â€Å"skills or proficiencies† or prior knowledge (MacInnes et al., 1991).   Each component of the MacInnes et al. model will be discussed in greater detail.   Cognition – Knowledge, Opinions and Beliefs The cognition or knowledge, opinions and beliefs component of the Fishbein and Ajzen model is considered to be the driving force of the model.   Beliefs about an object are formed through direct observation, with information received from outside sources or by inference processes (Fazio and Olsen, 2003; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975).   The information or knowledge sought in belief formation in a specific situation can be influenced by the effort needed to obtain the information, the time constraint, and the likelihood that the information will be useful (Hansen, 1972).   Opportunity Opportunity pertains to those distractions or environmental factors which affect the consumers’ attention to information (Agho et al., 1993; MacInnes and Jaworski, 1991; Mooy and Robben, 2002).   Fazio and Olsen (2003) further proposed in their MODE or Motivation and Opportunity as DEterminants of attitude-behavior relationship that in order for deliberate processes such as activities used in belief formation, opportunity to engage in the deliberate process must first be available, otherwise, the consumer will resort to memory (Fazio & Olsen, 2003).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Time is reflective of opportunity as it influences consumer behavior and choices.   This finite and intangible resource is allocated by the consumer by choice, and is acquired by trading for another resource such as money (Bergadaa, 1990).   Therefore, consumers must choose how to use and manage their time.   Okada and Hoch (2004) found that consumers place a higher value on time spent if the outcome is positive and a lesser value if the experience is negative.   Consumers who have little time pressure will process the information in a leisurely fashion.   However, consumers who experience greater time pressure will generally use less time to process the information (Suri and Monroe, 2003).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Therefore, this study will propose that if the consumer has little time or reduced opportunity to expend on search and information gathering, he or she will be more likely to enlist the services of a realtor.   However, if the consumer is seeking monetary savings, and believes that time is less than the value of monetary costs, that consumer will participate in a For Sale by Owner transaction. Reference groups, friends, and family are important resources for the search of information, which is an integral part of buying or selling real estate.   This social network provides a means for sending and receiving information.   Word-of-mouth communication is important in shaping the attitudes and behaviors of the consumer.   â€Å"Personal word-of-mouth influence has a more decisive role in influencing behavior than advertising and other marketer dominated sources (Herr et al., 1991).   Brown and Reingen (1987) found that the stronger the relationship tie, the more influential the communication.   The weaker relationships, on the other hand, were instrumental in developing a bridge in the communication flow and in providing a means for referrals.   The opportunity to obtain information increases as the number of people a person comes into contact with increases.   Ability Ability comprises the second component of cognition.   Not only does the consumer need opportunity to process information, but he or she must have the skill set or ability to access and process the information (MacInnes et al., 1991; Mooy and Robben, 2002).   Any increase in ability can reduce the search process for information, as consumers will rely more on internal information than external information (Gibler and Nelson, 2003). The Internet has become a primary source for product research.   By using the Internet, consumers are afforded the ability to research a specific product, as well as compare products, attributes and prices.   â€Å"Retail businesses must struggle with facing an era of unprecedented consumer power obtained through Internet information† (Schoenbachler and Gordon, 2002).   This phenomenon would apply to the sale or purchase of a home as well (Muhanna, 2000).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Technology and the Internet have provided consumers access to information and products that were previously difficult, if not impossible to obtain, as well as have significantly influenced lowering of search costs.   Armed with this advantage, consumers are now afforded with possibilities of researching on the Internet and taking virtual tours, or viewing pictures and descriptions of available properties from the comfort of their own home.   The use of the Internet as one source of information will reduce the cost to the consumer during the search process (Baen, 1997; Baen and Guttery, 1997; Bakos, 1998; Seiler et al., 2001; Giaglis et al., 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Ability is an intangible attribute that is often related to age and education.   As a person ages, or attains higher levels of education, the level of ability increases (Alba and Marmorstein, 1987; Huneke et al., 2004; Maheswaran and Sternthal, 1990).   Age contributes to the informal knowledge base while education contributes to the formal knowledge.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Experience is also often associated with the level of ability (Alba and Marmorstein, 1987; Huneke et al., 2004; Maheswaran and Sternthal, 1990).   Alba and Marmorstein (1987) studied the correlation of frequency or the number of times an event occurs, of experience to knowledge levels.  Ã‚   The greater the number of times a person was exposed to information or experience, the process of decision making was observed to be faster and less complicated.   Furthermore, â€Å"task performance is improved by different types of experiences† (Alba and Hutchinson, 1987).   Gibler and Nelson (2003) described that experienced home buyers remember which dimensions were useful in the past; on the other hand, inexperienced buyers ar e more susceptible to external influences, such as real estate agents, in determining their criteria for selection.   Therefore, the more homes a person has bought and/or sold, the more experience he/she has gained, and the less likely will that person enlist the services of a real estate agent.   The measurement of the levels of ability by the consumer can be ascertained by examining age, education level and prior experience.   â€Å"The greater the accumulation of experience and knowledge as one ages creates a reduced desire for additional information† (Gibler and Nelson, 2003).   Conation/Motivation – Dependent Variable   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conation is defined as behavior or behavior intent.   Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) determined that conation is motivation or behavior intent.   Behavior only occurs if motivation is present to perform the behavior.   MacInnes et al. (1991) stated in their MOA theory that motivation is defined as the consumers’ desire or readiness to process the information.   Therefore, motivation can be defined as behavior intent.   Opportunity, measured by time and social contacts, and ability, measured by Internet access, education and experience (cognition) directly influence the level of motivation or behavior intent (conation).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Hovland and Rosenberg (1959) proposed that attitude consists of three elements:   cognition, affect and conation.   Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) argued, however, that attitude is affect, or the feelings toward a behavior.   â€Å"Attitudes reflect reasons for acting, and focus on what the decision maker does or can do† (Bagozzi et al., 2003)   For the purposes of this study, affect and attitude will be treated as the same and will be referred to as affect.   Affect is the result of cognition (Perugini and Bagozzi, 2001). Therefore, if behavior intent is a result of persuasion and persuasion is the result of cognition, then persuasion will act as a moderating variable.   As the persuasion increases positively and based upon previous studies, behavior intent will increase positively.   Media habits, or message exposure, will also moderate cognition-affect-behavior intent (MacInnes et al., 1991; Mooy and Rubben, 2003).   The higher the levels of exposure to television, radio, newspaper, and internet, the more frequency the messages will occur (Alba and Marmorstein, 1987).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Demographics have been routinely used in marketing to assist in segmenting markets based upon gender, age group, income, culture, marital status, education and household size.   These variables are often referred to as demographics; however, as pointed out by Art Weinstein (1994), many variables used for demography are often socioeconomic.   It is common in marketing research to refer to all of these variables as â€Å"demographics† (Weinstein, 1994).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Demographics are commonly used in business management due to the fact that they are easy to collect, group and analyze.   Furthermore, demographic variables typically have an interrelated correlation, which facilitates generalization and analysis of demographic data (Weinstein, 1994).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Household income and household size have a direct correlation with the monetary asset or value.   Consumers with lower incomes, or who have a large number of members in the household, are generally more price conscious.   Therefore, it is proposed that these consumers would prefer to participate in a For Sale by Owner transaction, foregoing the commissions paid to a real estate agent.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The purpose of this study is to identify those determinants which persuade a consumer to participate in a For Sale by Owner transaction.   Therefore, in order to identify these factors, the proposed model is an integration of the three major theoretical models discussed. Fishbein and Ajzen’s expectancy value model, and Hovland and Rosenberg’s tripartite theory of behavior, provides the cognition-affect-conation model and cognition-attitude-motivation.   Integrated with this model, is the MOA model as proposed by MacInnes, Moorman and Jaworski (1991), in which behavior is influenced by motivation, opportunity and ability.   Through literature, it has been determined that opportunity and ability are components of cognition, and motivation is influenced by cognition and moderated by affect.   METHODOLOGY Study Population   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The selected population for this study is the participants of a study conducted by Bluefield State College School of Business.   The purpose of the study was to collect raw data regarding the real estate buying and selling behavior of the consumer in the local area, which would be available for future analysis and interpretation.   Their sample is composed of participants over the age of 18 at a local annual exposition held in Mercer County, West Virginia.   Mercer County has a population of 61, 589 people with a median income of $28,130. In 2004, 30,207 housing units existed in the County, with 63.5% of the population living in the same house in 2000.   The homeownership rate was 76.8% in 2000 (US Census Bureau).   The attendance rate at this particular event was approximately 6000 people, approximately 10% of the population (Princeton Mercer County Chamber of Commerce, 2006).   Table 2 provides a summation of the demographics of Mercer County, West Virginia, in comparison to the State of West Virginia and United States averages.   Table 2. Demographic Data Mercer County, WV, State of West Virginia and United States (US Census Bureau, 2000) Demographic Mercer County West Virginia United States Population 62, 980 1,816,815 281,421,906 Median Household Income 28,120 32,967 43,318 Homeownership 76.8% 75.2% 66.2% For Sale By Owner N/A N/A 13% Living in the same home in 1995 and 2000 63.5% 63.3% 54.1% Housing units 30,207 866,944 122,671,734 High School Graduates 72.1% 75.2% 80.4% Bachelor’s Degree or above 13.8% 14.8% 24.4% In order to determine the appropriate sample size needed to complete this study, the following formula was used (Malhotra, 372); whereas the number of possible homeowners is 76.8% or 77% (US Census, 2000), Proportion of population that are homeowners (Ï€) = .70 Desired precision level (D) =.05 Confidence Level (CL) = 95% z value associated with 95% confidence level =1.96: Therefore, the number of samples needed:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   n = Ï€(1-Ï€)z2/D2   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   n=.77(1-.77)(1.96)2/.052   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   n=.77(.23)(3.8416)/.25   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   n=272.13 or 272 samples needed   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Bluefield State College study contains 356 usable surveys of individuals rather than households, which is in excess of the 272 samples required for this study.   Based upon attendance of 6,000, this represents .0593% or 6% of the attendees surveyed. Instrument   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The questionnaire developed consists of 42 questions including 35 opinion statements followed by 4-point Likert Scale responses and 8 demographic questions.   The Likert responses ranged from â€Å"mostly disagree† = 1 to â€Å"mostly agree† = 4.   Therefore, those who prefer to purchase or sell real estate without the assistance of a real estate agent will answer 1’s or mostly disagree.   These questions were drawn from Mitchell’s 1980 VALS; however, drawing from the works of Wells (1975) the constructs were changed to reflect product specific behavior. Opportunity H1  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As the level of opportunity, measured by time and social contacts, increases, the behavior intent or motivation to buy or sell real estate without a professional agent will increase.      Two variables will be measured to identify the positive or negative level of opportunity.   As previously stated in the literature, opportunity is influenced by time and social contacts. Six opinion statements are used to identify respondents’ attitudes and opinions regarding time, or the lack of time. These statements are followed by four Lickert-scale responses to choose from with 1 = â€Å"mostly disagree† and 4 = â€Å"mostly agree†.   An example statement from the questionnaire is, â€Å"I spend more than 40 hours a week outside of the home†.   Those respondents, who disagree with this statement, will have more time available to search or sell a home.   Previous research cited has shown that reference groups are an important factor during the information search phase of the decision making process.   Therefore, the more people a consumer comes into contact with, the greater access to information.   The questionnaire contains eight opinion statements with 4-point Lickert-scale responses.   These statements represent the respondent’s network by asking questions in regards to school, community, church and family gatherings.   It is proposed that respondents who have a larger network of social contacts will have access to more information than those who choose not to participate in outside of the home activities.   Therefore, based upon the scale responses, 1=mostly disagree and 4=mostly agree, responses that are higher numbers, will most likely have a stronger social network.   For instance, the statement â€Å"I am active in my community†, reflects the activities of the respondent.   If the response is a 4, then the respondent has outside of the home social contacts and access to information. Affect H1a  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The direction of the level of affect will moderate the level of motivation to purchase or sell real estate without a professional agent.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In order to determine affect, or beliefs, the survey provided seven belief statements.   Respondents responded using a Lickert scale, with â€Å"1† = mostly disagree to â€Å"4† = mostly agree.   A sample statement from the questionnaire is â€Å"I believe real estate agents are a necessity when buying or selling a home†.   Responses with higher numbers will have a strong belief concerning real estate agents. Ability H2  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As ability, measured by age, education and experience, increases, behavior intent or motivation to purchase or sell real estate without a professional agent will increase. Ability is measured by three variables:   experience, Internet access and education. In order to determine experience, the survey provides two questions and twelve opinion statements.   Experience can be measured by the number of homes purchased or sold in a lifetime.   Respondents to the questionnaire were asked to choose 1, 2, 3, or 4 or more.   As the number of homes purchased or sold in a lifetime increases, the level of experience increases.   The highest possible response will be a 4 and the lowest 1.   Furthermore, experience with a real estate agent is questioned.   If the respondent had used an agent to buy or sell his/her home the answer would be no, represented by the number 1.   If yes, then number 2. Internet presence, which is also an indicator of information access, is determined in the questionnaire by requesting the respondent to choose which email providers they use for email.   The more email providers would indicate a higher Internet usage of the respondent.   Also, based upon the provider, it can be determined if the respondent has high speed cable or DSL access.   Those respondents without email would respond to â€Å"none†. Information regarding education level will then be analyzed to determine correlation with the questions and statements regarding ability.   According to the literature cited, it is proposed that as the level of education, Internet access, and experience increases ability will increase, which will directly impact behavior intent. Motivation (Behavior Intent) The next twelve statements contained in the survey are opinion statements regarding the use of real estate agents, brokers and intentions of the respondent.   A sample statement from the questionnaire is â€Å"I would always use a real estate agent to help with purchasing a home†.   Respondents were given four Lickert-scale responses to choose from with 1 = â€Å"mostly disagree† and 4 = â€Å"mostly agree†.   Therefore, â€Å"3† and â€Å"4† would indicate the respondent’s intent to use a real estate agent, rather than for sale by owner. Media Habits H1b  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   An increase in the level of media habits will moderate the level of opportunity and its relationship with motivation to purchase or sell real estate without a professional agent..      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   H2b  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   An increase in the level of media habits will moderate the level of ability and its relationship with   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Media habits, is also an indicator of information access.   Survey questions ask respondents the number of hours spent weekly watching television, listening to the radio, as well as newspapers read.   It is proposed that as the hours spent watching television or listening to the radio will moderate cognition and behavior intent.   As the number of hours exposed to media increases, the level of behavior intent will increase. Demographics H1c  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Demographics, measured by age, household income and household size will mediate the relationship between opportunity and motivation to purchase or sell real estate without a professional agent.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   H2c  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Demographics, measured by age, household income and household size will mediate the relationship between ability and motivation to purchase or sell real estate without a professional agent.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Demographic information regarding age, household income and household size will be collected.   This information will mediate cognition and behavior intent. Questions concerning gender, marital status and zip code will be used as descriptor or extraneous variables which are not statistically significant in this study. Data Analysis Descriptive Statistics   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The data that will be used in this study has been collected by the Bluefield State College School of Business; however, statistical analysis has not been completed.   Therefore, raw data obtained will be used for this study. The first step will be determining the descriptive statistics of the variables used in the study.   This will provide the mean, median and standard deviation of each survey question.   The aggregate mean will then be used for each variable.   The results of this analysis will then be used to conduct inferential statistic analysis. Inferential Statistics Inferential statistic analysis will be conducted in four steps.   Multiple regression analysis will be conducted to determine the affect of the moderating and mediating variables.   The dependent variable is dichotomous; therefore, logit analysis will be conducted, followed by model fit and significance testing. Due to the existence of several independent variables, mediators and moderators influencing the dependent variable, multiple regression analysis will be conducted to determine the relationships (Hair, 2003, p579).   The steps that will be taken to accomplish this, as recommended by Hair (2003, p579) are: assess the statistical significance of the overall regression model using the F statistic with a level of significance

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Managing Organisational Change - Essay Example A very important factor to note however is that, organizational changes should not affect the successful running of organizations in any way. In situations where a major organizational change causes adverse effect on the successful running of an organization, we say the organizational change was not well managed (Palmer, Dunford, & Akin, 2008). This brings then to discussion, the issue of managing organizational change. Management of organizational change concerns the factors that organizational leaders put in place in the event of the implementation of any organizational change. Building on this, organizational change has been â€Å"defined as change that has significant effects on the way work is performed† (University of Western Australia, 2010). This means that in the event of putting in place any change that will have significant effect on the way work is performed, organizational leaders involved must be in the position to put in place factors that will ensure the succes sful implementation of these changes. Three major forms of organizational change have been identified by Koduah (2009). According to Koduah (2006), organizational change may be human, technical or financial. Human changes concerns all forms of change that involve the movement, placement or replacement of human resource. This means that organizational activities such as promotion, recruitment, dismissal and retirement all constitute human organizational changes. Human organizational changes may involve massive shake ups, where almost every person in the organization may be affected. It could also be mild whereby only few people get affected at a time. Technical changes involve changes that affect facilities and infrastructure. This does not call for the change in portfolios but may influence how work is done in the organization. If an organization purchases and fixes a new generator plant,

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George Herbert Mead - Essay Example generally, which arouse in the individual himself the response which he is calling out in the other, and such that from the point of view of that response he is able to direct his later conduct." The gesture of one individual is his response to the symbols being shown by the society. This is where the reaction of an individual comes from. Symbols always presuppose the ability of each participant in a communicative process to visualize his own performance from the standpoint of the others, to take the role of the others. In nonsymbolic interaction human beings, like animals, respond directly to one another. In symbolic interaction, where they use significant gestures, they interpret each other's attitudes and act on the basis of the meaning yielded by such interpretations. In Mead's work individual responses on the way he sees the society. It is the society that dictates his actions and responses to one another. The society has somewhat really influenced me as an individual. ... rates nonsignificant (unself-conscious) gestures, as found on the animal level, from the significant (self-conscious) gestures that characterize most human intercourse. As an individual I usually act based on intuition. What the situation or the symbols presented to me is my cue as to what my decision would be. I have learned from George Mead writing's that interpretation is important. Interpreting once gesture or symbol would lead to a better communication. However sometimes simple reaction that is not intentionally done would result in problems and wrong interpretation. That makes me think that Mead maybe had a personal experiences on the symbols and action that he has mentioned on his writing. For me what is important is how you convey your message to others. A simple tap on the shoulder of your friend would mean that you are on his side whenever he has a problem. Or others would interpret it differently. Mead had shown me the difference in the reaction of human to non human. Anim als would behave differently than man. Sometimes animals would not show any signs that he is going to attack you, while human can show that he is going to attack by his facial reactions and gestures. The communicative process includes the self conscious adjustment of the person to the conduct of others. The responses to each other conduct would include definition, redefinition and interpretation and reinterpretation. Experience is not first individual and then social. Each individual is continually involved in a succession of joint enterprises with others, which form and shape his mind. Consciousness is not a given; it is emergent. People would blame television and media when something bad happen. This resulted in many survey being done by several organization on the influence of media